Not every reporter at the Times serves this
function, of course. There is good journalism to be found in the paper;
we draw on it here all the time. But Michael Gordon's work is a special
case. His by-line on a story (with or without his former warmongering
collaborator, Judith Miller) virtually guarantees that militarist
propaganda is being "stovepiped" directly from the White House and
Pentagon. These days he alternates between pounding the drum for an
attack on Iran and prettying up the ghastly, on-going war crime in
Iraq.
His latest piece of psy-ops involves
operations in Baghdad's Sadr City, where a looming massacre has been
averted (or postponed) due to a deal brokered by -- not General David
Petraeus, Ambassador Ryan Crocker or President George Bush – but by
Iran.
After a fierce assault by U.S. and Iraqi
government forces on the heavily populated area, Shiite nationalist
Moqtada al-Sadr and the Green Zone government agreed, with Tehran's
help, to a truce. Although it took a few days for the fighting to die
down, the agreement is now in place, and is largely a victory for Sadr
and his Mahdi Army militia. As McClatchy Newspapers – no stovepipe they
–
put it in a straightforward report:
Iraqi
security forces entered Baghdad 's Sadr City in large numbers on
Tuesday for the first time since followers of anti-American cleric
Muqtada al Sadr agreed two weeks ago to let them in. No U.S. troops
accompanied the Iraqi forces. The agreement specifically barred
Americans from entering the Shiite Muslim enclave…
The agreement was brokered on May 9 and allows Iraqi security forces to
enter all of Baghdad 's Sadr City and to arrest anyone found with heavy
weapons. It also requires that Mahdi Army followers not be arrested
without warrants unless they are in the possession of heavy arms. No
U.S. forces were allowed into the neighborhood under the agreement.
In other words, Iraqi government troops entered Sadr City this week
unmolested because Sadr told his militia to let them in, and told them
to cooperate in restoring a semblance of stability to the area. He also
demanded that American troops be kept out – and they were kept out. He
demanded that his militia members be left alone, unless they were found
with heavy weapons – and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki acquiesced.
This was basically an agreement between two armed Shiite extremist
factions – both of which are actually part of the U.S.-backed Iraqi
government. (The incessant demonization of Sadr in the American media
conveniently overlooks the fact that his political wing is the largest
single faction in the Iraqi parliament, and actually held six posts in
al-Maliki's cabinet before leaving the coalition last year.) Both sides
have ties to Iran, although al-Maliki and his allies are actually
closer to Tehran, which regards Sadr's Iraqi nationalism with
suspicion. They have now turned to Iran again, as in the recent
fighting in Basra, to quell a violent upsurge in their
intra-governmental, intra-sectarian conflict. This conflict could break
out into slaughter again at any time, but for now the truce is holding.
That's the reality: Iran brokered a temporary peace between two warring
factions of the American-backed government – in part to keep American
forces, particularly airpower, from turning Sadr City into a charnel
house. But that is not how it was portrayed by the ever-faithful toter
of White House water, Michael Gordon.
In his reports this week,
blazoned on the front page of the Times, Gordon paints the picture of a
triumphant Iraqi government which, "as it did in the southern city of
Basra last month….advanced its goal of establishing sovereignty and
curtailing the powers of the militias." Indeed, with these two
"triumphs" – i.e., two Iran-brokered deals that left Sadr's militias
intact – al-Maliki could now present himself "as a strong and decisive
leader, the kind of leader many Iraqis, Sunni and Shiite, think is
needed to control the country."
Of course, one of the
ostensible goals of Bush's escalation of the war (known in the United
States of Euphemism as the "surge") was "establishing the sovereignty"
of America's client government and "curtailing the power of the
militias." Yet as we see in both Basra and Sadr City, the Mahdi Army
militia is alive and well. And it is a strange sort of "sovereignty"
indeed that depends on the presence of 140,000 foreign troops (and vast
cadres of foreign mercenares) who imprison tens of thousands of your
own citizens,
shoot them down in the streets and
routinely bombs the hell out of your cities – not to mention the direct
intervention of another foreign power to tamp down outbreaks of civil
war in your own government.
But nonetheless, with
Gordon's help, the narrative of the surge's "success" marches on. An
anti-American cleric grants government troops permission to enter areas
controlled by his militia – and this is ballyhooed as a triumph.
Meanwhile, Gordon does not neglect his drumbeating duties in the push
for war with Iran: the story is laced with unqualified references to
mysterious "Iranian-backed militias" which, we're told, skulked away
from Sadr City when al-Maliki flexed his muscles. Readers of the New
York Times – and those disseminators of its conventional wisdom further
down the media food chain – cannot be allowed to forget that Iraq is
seething with perfidious Persia's evil agents, killing Americans in
cold blood. Gordon actually shows some restraint in not ending every
article with a stirring cry of "Furthermore, Iran delenda est!"
Needless to say, Gordon makes no mention of Iran's role in making the
deal that allowed al-Maliki his great triumph – even though this fact
had been featured in the first paragraph of story on truce that
appeared earlier this month in….the New York Times, with contributions
from…Michael Gordon. That piece,
written by Alissa J. Rubin,
outlined in some detail the Iranian role in defusing the situation,
while also making clear the ambiguity and fragility of the outcome:
The
deal would allow the sides to pull back from what was becoming a messy
and unpopular showdown in the months leading up to crucial provincial
elections. It is not clear who won, how long it would take for the
truce to take effect or how long it would hold. But at least for now it
would end the warfare among Shiite factions.
The
Iranians helped end the standoff by throwing their weight behind the
government after a delegation of Shiite members of Parliament visited
Iran earlier this month, according to three people involved in
negotiating the truce…
The visit to Iran by members of Parliament had been cited by the
Americans as the first Iraqi effort to confront Iran with evidence of
its training, financing and arming of Shiite militias in Iraq. But the
trip evolved into a sophisticated political maneuver that could help
the Iraqis out of a situation that was taking a rising toll on the
country’s political stability.
The members of Parliament asked Iran to lean on the Shiite militias
they have influence with, said Ali Adeeb, a Parliament member from Mr.
Maliki’s Dawa Party who was part of the delegation. “They said the
better way to deal with the Sadrists is by negotiation; don’t fight
them and don’t use force.”
What goes unsaid here, of course, is that the Iraqi army itself
constitutes, for the most part, a "Shiite milita that Iran has
influence with." So Tehran's ability to bring the two Shiite sides
together is not so remarkable. What is remarkable – given Washington's
hysterical insistence that Iran is now the prime mover behind all the
violence spawned by Bush's war – is Tehran's insistence that the best
way forward is through negotiation, not force. Could it be that the
mullahs really don't want to see unrestrained carnage raging in a
neighboring country with a government run by their own long-time
allies?
But now that Gordon has wrested the story away from Rubin, all mention
of Iranian mediation is gone. We are left only with the "strong and
decisive" al-Maliki, some admiring American brass giving the l'il
Iraqis a pat on the head for executing "a plan that was very much their
own" – and those dark "Iranian-backed" killers roaming the Iraqi night.
The most important thing, of course, is that t
he Fallujah-like destruction planned for Sadr City
has been averted, at least for now. Hundreds of thousands of innocent
human beings under threat of imminent death have been given a reprieve
– although they will live on in ruin, want, strife, repression and
great, great suffering. But the propaganda assault on the American
people will continue to intensify as the war criminals in Washington
draw toward the end of their hellish reign, with much more bloodshed to
come.