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by Jayne Lyn Stacl
The announcement, by Pakistani officials, that former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto died from a skull fracture when falling against the wall of her sports utility vehicle, during the recent rally, and not from bullets from a gun that was aimed directly at her, or schrapnal from a suicide bomb, is yet another example of what a fine role model we, in the U.S., are for the rest of the world in how to cover up an assassination.
It might not come as a shock if one were to find out that a surviving member of the Warren Commission flew to Islamabad to coach them on how to pull off yet another coup d'etat, and keep the monied interests in place, while trying to appear transparent. That said, even the greatest ingenue would be hard pressed to believe that anything but gunfire killed Mrs. Bhutto, with bullets provided courtesy of the U.S. government.facade of democracy."
And, as if to add insult to injury, comes the report that it
was a phone call from Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice who, two
months ago, persuaded Bhutto to fulfill her destiny, and return from
London to her homeland. According to an article in today's Washington
Post, the State Department had a plan for the January elections in
Pakistan which was to have Bhutto join forces with Musharraf as prime
minister to his presidency, thereby providing "a democratic facade" to
Musharraf's government.
The issue isn't whether by playing
puppet master, and meddling in the domestic affairs of sovereign
states, the U.S. cost Benazir Bhutto her life. Even if Mrs. Bhutto had
magically survived this attack as the last one, and went on to join
forces with Musharraf, as planned, after next month's election, what
right does any state have to control the internal operations of
another. Isn't this what Woodrow Wilson warned against when he formed
the League of Nations back in 1918---keeping the Germans, or any other
rogue state from running amok, and consuming other nations? President
Wilson would be stunned if he were to suddenly awake, in the year 2007,
to find America has become the country about which he warned so
vigorously.
Since the Nixon years, we have gone from moral
ambiguity to moral lethargy, and are now in moral quicksand. Those who
brought us the "Contract for America," the Dan Quayles, Oliver Norths,
Newt Gingriches, whose family values have translated into congressional
page scandals, the rapes of Blackwater, have ruptured the body politic
in the name of Rapture, and ransacked the American dream like an
abandoned house of worship. When reality is reduced to good and evil,
black and white, we no longer have to worry about little things like
moral ambiguity.
This assassination, like others before it, has
shown us how quickly hypocrisy reproduces. It's never only a gun, or a
bomb, that claims the life of one whose presence has changed the course
of history. It's the calculated illusion that making substantive change
is ever only an individual thing, or that the spectator to tragedy is
not himself a part of the social , and moral pathology from which it
evolved.
But, what right does a citizen of a country that makes
stealth agreements to fly suspects to secret holding cells over
international airspace have to talk about moral high ground? Moral high
ground easily gives way to a seizmic avalance of rationalizations like
those that led our latest attorney general to say he needs to do
research on whether or not waterboarding constitutes torture. While
he's at it, Mr. Mukasay might also wish to look into whether or not the
destruction of videotapes, which were ordered preserved as part of an
investigation, constitutes obstruction of justice.
In the end,
what happened in Pakistan yesterday was no more just about Pakistan
than the assassination of Martin Luther King was about the civil rights
movement. Advances in technology affirm that the planet is one vast
community. The brutal killing of a leader 9,000 miles away is now as
close as if it were right next door. We need a new contract for
America, one that restores dignity to working men and women, that
provides opportunity for the disenfranchised; one that ensures that
telecommunication giants and sitting presidents are no more immune from
criminal prosecution than ordinary citizens, and that no executive ever
again gets to subordinate other branches of government, as we have seen
over the past several years, in defiance of the Constitution.
When
any world power gets to detain people, whether they be their own
citizens or not, indefinitely without charge, and without access to
evidence against them, then try them before kangaroo military courts,
they insult the integrity not just of their nation, but of civilization
as a whole, and they may claim the moral high ground only if they
suffer from positional vertigo.
In the past thirty years, the
concept of downsizing has taken off. Ronald Reagan ushered in the era
of economic downsizing from which we're still reeling, and with George
W. Bush comes moral downsizing for which there can be only one remedy,
the same remedy Woodrow Wilson sought---collective action on the part
of all nations to combat abuse of power, the proliferation of lies, and
an end to war profiteering in the name of democratization.
The
best way to honor Benazir Bhutto's life, and the lives of all those
world leaders who have been assassinated, is to reclaim the moral high
ground by getting at the truth, no matter where it leads, and not
hiding behind the "

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