Few new insights are contained concerning how the system needs
to change, in particular the WTO that is the focus of this book. There
are some common sense statements that seem terribly obvious yet may not
be to the economists targeted initially by the authors, or perhaps they
were thrown in for lay people to feel that they could actually
understand what was going on. This ‘duh’ factor stands out
significantly in two areas: fairness and costs to the poor countries.
Stating
that “It seems self-evident…” the authors say it anyway, “Any agreement
should be fair” and “Any agreement should be arrived at fairly.” It
seems economists are also in need of reminders of what they should have
learned in grade school, with the ever increasing “life’s not fair”
mantra creeping in more and more as education becomes higher and
higher, until it becomes the dog-eat-dog world of free market
capitalism. Unfortunately, it is the WTO that is being discussed here
and “fairness” is not exactly something it cares about.
The
asymmetrical costs to the poorer developing countries also should seem
self-evident, though they are presented as discoveries from “empirical
evidence”. The fourth reason in particular is classic, “…developing
countries are home to the world’s poorest people and weakest credit
markets.” Well, surprise, surprise. Equally unsurprising is the third
reason for these unequal costs, as biggest distortions occur “…in the
industries of importance to developing countries.”
Common sense
would tell me that “fair trade” would encompass many other issues:
labour rights and protections; environmental protections and
responsibilities; military projections (and not just complaints about
poor countries “wasting money” on their militaries); social services
support; and, ‘it seems self-evident’, democracy.
Labour
receives a page or two in arguments about the movement of labour (a
good point as free trade is hardly free without free labour movement),
but the arguments are confined to rules and regulations that will
assist immigrants to work where the lower paying positions are not
filled by the local people. To be truly fair, labour also requires the
freedom to establish unions, the rights of a safe work environment, and
fair remuneration for work performed.
The environment receives
short shrift, the main example being a trade clause restricting trade
on tuna that endangers turtle species in international waters. There
are no true insights offered nor any real concern expressed for the
increasing need to protect all environments against the
over-consumptive development demands of the west and the overall
growing global population. No discussion is made of the need to
preserve fresh water and promote sustainable lifestyles in a finite
world.
The military is mentioned just in passing with the Meiji
restoration in Japan (“a wealthy nation and a strong army”) and does
not even rate a mention in the index. Common sense should indicate,
especially after the debacle in Afghanistan and Iraq and the many books
on or related to military topics (Bacevich, Johnson, Greider,
Galbraith, Grandin, Ritter among many others) that the military plays a
huge role in the economic life of most of the world, if not all of it.
Significantly, it has been called the “hidden fist” behind the economic
prosperity of the U.S.
Social services are identified as being
weak in developing countries and needing assistance, but again with
only minimal mention and an emphasis on some kind of cost accounting
for the losses incurred by the poorest workers. No mention is made of
the “structural adjustments” (an IMF term) that requires downward
‘adjustments’ to the educational system, any welfare system, and health
services, that result from revenue required to pay adjustment costs
elsewhere (including, ironically, the huge economics bill for all the
new economists and accountants and government bureaucrats required to
track it all).
The largest fault in these common sense items is
in a bizarre way the strongest positive – through the implications of
its lack of attention. Democracy.
By now the world understands
the end all and be all of all this free trade marketing rhetoric and
the imperialistic wars waged against the ‘terrorists’ and ‘evil’ people
of the world is to bring them democracy. Stiglitz mentions democracy
twice – once in passing in relation to media control by conglomerates;
twice as an adjective describing a poor country; and, whoops, a third
time not mentioned in the index but significantly more important: the
North America Free Trade Agreement [NAFTA]“...contains provisions that
would probably never have been accepted by a democratic parliament with
open discussion in a deliberative process.”
As a Canadian
living under NAFTA I can attest to that view. Canada is supposedly
democratic, but both major political parties, the Liberals and
Conservatives, Chretien and Mulroney, favoured NAFTA, lied about their
intentions, and went against the clear majority of Canadian opinion and
signed on to it anyway, presumably as always because of corporate
interests lining the political pockets. Canada lost sovereignty over
its energy resources (and possibly later, water), social services are
increasingly under attack, the rich are getting richer and the poor
poorer (admittedly still well off in comparison to the majority of the
world), economic integration with the U.S. is almost complete, and we
are producing far more greenhouse gasses per capita than any other
country. Great.
But that is it for democracy; it is never
discussed otherwise throughout this work, and does not come under
discussion, as it often does in government spin, when discussing trade
and international relations. In a weird macabre way that is a good
thing, because if nothing else it highlights that Stiglitz and Charlton
do not see democracy per se as being in any way related to free market
liberalization. In other words, by deliberate omission, they are saying
that free markets and market liberalization do not have anything to do
with democracy.
Can I say that more clearly? Free market neoliberal capitalism does not equate with democracy.
That
leads into the largest major fault with the work, the World Trade
Organization itself that is the centre-piece for this document. The WTO
(along with its compatriot think-tank, the OECD) is arguably one of the
least democratic institutions in the global arena today. It is set up
as a negotiating unit comprised of government financial
representatives, bankers, economists, CEOs, lawyers et al who have no
interest in the democratic workings of the world as long as the money
is allowed to flow freely into corporate coffers.
As for the
manner in which those involved – the CEOs, the MBAs, lawyers,
economists, and financial “experts” - perform their duties in secret
and for their own wealth creation against the true forces of any
popular citizens’ democracy is summed up in the wonderful frequently
quoted phrase by a WTO official that “This is the place where
governments collude in private against their domestic pressure groups”,
those nasty people like labourers, environmentalists, health care
workers, and farmers. An earlier Director General of the WTO Renato
Ruggerio boasted, “We are writing the constitution of a single global
economy”[1]. Ruggerio is on record with his environmental concerns as
well, stating, “environmental standards in the WTO are “doomed to fail
and could only damage the world trading system.”
Wonderful! This
is the system Stiglitz and Charlton expect to reform? A highly unlikely
project and one that will only provide another sheen of democratic
pretence while they continue the business of business.
Another
fault of all these arguments is that of growth and development. It is
never defined, never described as ‘this is what it looks like’.
Ultimately, in all the arguments I have read it comes down to being the
dollar value of the GDP, either gross or per capita. Growth and
development, in all the materials I have read, never mention the
environment, the health of the people, the safety and security of the
workers, nor the education system as having any relevance to growth and
development as a definition. Unfortunately, the GDP is a highly
fallible argument and can be a very simplistic misleading statistic.
The
ultimate positive from this book then is the recognition by omission
that democracy is not related to free market liberalization. That
should come under the common sense ‘it seems self-evident’ category of
results, nothing original with that statement either.
The rest
is mostly negatives. Fair trade and globalization could be a positive,
but not as presented by the authors, and not under the rules and
regulations of the WTO, who still insist on a top down (even though
they say items are to be discussed and adjusted with governments,
knowing that many governments do not truly represent the majority of
the people of the country, Canada included) bureaucratic formula to aid
the poor. It cannot work, not unless they ask the people of each
country what they want and then effectively respond to those requests.
Most of the answers, perhaps, should be ‘self evident’, but until the
people themselves are actually consulted and responded to effectively,
no true progress on fair trade will be achieved.
If done as suggested by
Fair Trade For All,
the world will continue to be enveloped in a corporate sponsored,
non-democratic, militaristic, environmentally, social, and labour
unfriendly regime. As well as being a poorly written book, it is not at
all helpful either, and definitely not fair.
[1]These quotes
are widely cited in a variety of sources active against the deservedly
deceased MAI. Also quoted in Chomsky, Noam. “Hordes of Vigilantes”, Profit Over People – Neoliberalism and Global Order. Seven Stories Press, N.Y. 1999. p. 163.
Jim Miles is a Canadian educator and a regular contributor/columnist of
opinion pieces and book reviews to Palestine Chronicles. His interest
in this topic stems originally from an environmental perspective, which
encompasses the militarization and economic subjugation of the global
community and its commodification by corporate governance and by the
American government.