In a spacious yet fortified UN compound in Rome members of the Palestine committee at the General Assembly repeated old mantras; they vowed support for the Palestinians, issued a press release and then went to lunch.
The committee consisted of several UN ambassadors, all well-intended, sympathetic and concerned; they also knew well that their efforts were more or less futile. One of the ambassadors, of a country not so friendly by American standards, exclaimed: "No matter how hard we try, America blocks our efforts."
Things went fine, more or less, until an Israeli activist, with a dishevelled beard and scattered thoughts, shared some of his observations: he dreamed of a Middle East in which Arabs and Israelis are integrated, living in seamless harmony, sharing and benefiting from their economic leverage; a day in which Israel is accepted as part and parcel of the entire region. As he gasped for badly needed breath, another NGO person opted to bring such a fantasy a step closer to reality; she suggested dialogue, between Israeli and Palestinian parliamentarians. I fumed.
It is increasingly apparent that the Palestinian crisis is losing its appeal on an international level: it is neither urgent nor defined according to its proper parameters, that between a colonial master that doesn't hesitate to commit the most atrocious crimes to achieve his colonial project and an oppressed and nationally disintegrated nation that has fought alone, using all means to achieve its liberation.
"I too wish that the Middle East could become an oasis of economic harmony and political integration," I told the ambassadors. "In fact, I wish that conflicts everywhere would cease in favour of a world predicated on the principles of equality and justice. But until that happens, we must carry on with our fight against injustice everywhere, and with whatever means that are available to us."
Before we turn the suffering of the Palestinians into the kind of
benign topic that could easily be solved through dialogue -- as if 60
years of killing, colonial settlement and ethnic cleansing was a simple
misunderstanding -- let's recall the facts, harsh and pressing: a
nation imprisoned and persecuted in the occupied territories, another
treated like second, if not third class, citizens inside Israel and
millions of others dwelling in refugee camps across the Middle East.
The Libyan leader, Muammar El-Qaddafi, was recently reported to have
reached a decision to evict all Palestinians from Libya, the rationale
being they belong in Palestine. Qaddafi's wisdom already caused
thousands of Palestinians to be deported following Arafat's Oslo
agreement; they dwelled in the desert, my uncle and his family
included, between Egypt and Libya, before they were divided between
various countries. Qaddafi knows well the fate awaiting those
Palestinians if his decision actualises, but once a revolutionary
always a revolutionary, they say.
In Iraq the plight of the Palestinians is deteriorating to the extent
that it is now like a horror story. Saddam, though he treated
Palestinians well, blocked their attempts to own property so that they
wouldn't settle and thus concede their right to return to their
homeland. The result was that the moment his statue came down, Iraqi
landlords moved to evict thousands of Palestinian families. To date
over 500 Palestinians have been murdered in Iraq, thousands more have
been wounded and many of the rest are living in tent cities in various
parts of Iraq and near the Jordanian border. In a recent onslaught
Iraqi militias and US soldiers attacked Al-Baladiat neighbourhood in
Baghdad, killing and wounding many. Those lucky enough to possess the
cash exchanged the lives of their families for $250 per person and were
then forced to flee. They had nowhere to go but in circles.
Louise Morgantini, of the European Parliament, informed me in Italy
that the crisis that has befallen Palestinian refugees in Iraq is being
discussed at the UN behind closed doors; one solution proposed thus far
is to transfer them to South America. She angrily demanded something be
done to move them to the West Bank. There was little I could do aside
from writing about it. Palestinian leaders are too busy squabbling
about factionalism and splitting imaginary political power.
These are not symbolic problems that can be addressed via a well
articulated Arab Peace Initiative or that can be solved through
dialogue. Israel understands well that a Jewish state can only be
established in a domain that is free of anyone who fails to subscribe
to such values. Joseph Weitz, who was appointed by the Jewish Agency to
head transfer committees in 1948 captured the underlying essence of the
Israeli project since day one: "Between ourselves it must be clear that
there is not room for both peoples together in this country ... We
shall not achieve our goal of being an independent people with the
Arabs in this small country. The only solution is a Palestine without
Arabs."
From the early days of Ben Gurion's transfer to Vladimar Jobotinsky's
Iron wall and on to today's Separation Wall the impetus of the Israeli
project has never lost momentum. Meanwhile, Palestinians are in a
constant state of transfer and re-transfer. It is clear that Israel
will not achieve peace out of benevolence or through unconditional
dialogue; it can only be pressured to do so. This needs neither Arab
initiatives nor joint parliamentary meetings in which misunderstandings
are smoothed over. We must either begin to think on that front or quit
wasting precious time in extravagant conferences, symposiums and NGO
meetings.
-Ramzy Baroud is an author and a journalist. His latest volume: The
Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle (Pluto
Press, London) is available from Amazon and other book vendors.