The Realities of Repression
The United States
continues to claim that its military operations in Iraq bring freedom
and democracy. But such freedom apparently doesn’t extend to Iraqi
journalists. Several journalists critical of the United States or the
U.S.-backed Iraqi government have been killed. For instance, on March
4, 2007 gunmen killed prominent journalist Mohan al Zaher in his home.
That Sunday, his column concluded with the lament, “...if this is the
democracy that we (Iraqis) dreamt of.” His earlier articles questioned
U.S. policies in Iraq.
The U.S. military has also conducted direct raids on media
establishments and representatives. During the invasion, on April 8,
2003, a U.S. warplane bombed the
al-Jazeera bureau in Baghdad, killing 35-year-old journalist Tareq Ayoub. Britain’s
Daily Mirror
later cited the “top secret” minutes of a meeting during November 2004
where George W. Bush attempted to get British Prime Minister Tony Blair
to consent to the bombing of the
al-Jazeera headquarters in Doha, Qatar.
More recently, on February 23, 2007, U.S. soldiers raided and ransacked
the offices of the Iraq Syndicate of Journalists (ISJ) in central
Baghdad. The soldiers arrested ten armed guards and seized ten
computers and 15 small electricity generators meant to be donated to
families of killed journalists. Youssif al-Tamimi of the ISJ in Baghdad
told one of my close colleagues, “The Americans have delivered so many
messages to us, but we simply ignored all of them. They killed our
colleagues, shut down our newspapers, arrested hundreds of us and now
they are shooting at our hearts by raiding our headquarters. This is
the freedom of speech we received.” Many Iraqis believe that the U.S.
soldiers were conveying from their leadership to Iraqi journalists the
message of zero tolerance for criticism of the U.S.-led occupation.
The U.S.-backed Iraqi government also directly controls the media. The
Coalition Provisional Authority under the U.S. administrator, L. Paul
Bremer, created the Media and Communications Commission as an
instrument of control. This commission, incorporated into the Iraqi
constitution, regulates licensing, telecommunications, broadcasting,
information services, and all other media establishments. Under the
authority of this commission, in July 2004, security forces of the
interim Iraqi government raided and shut down the Baghdad office of the
Arabic satellite channel
al-Jazeera.
Initially the network faced a month-long ban on reporting out of Iraq.
In November 2004 the Iraqi government announced that any
al-Jazeera journalist found reporting in Iraq would be detained. Subsequently the ban was extended indefinitely and continues today.
Another instance of blatant media repression by the Iraqi state took
place on November 11, 2004. During the siege of Fallujah when Iraqi
journalists along with this writer were reporting the killing of
civilians and the use of prohibited weapons like white phosphorous by
the U.S. military, Iraq’s Media High Commission issued a warning on the
official letter head of the prime minister. The letter instructed
reporters to, “Stick to the government line on the U.S. led offensive
in Fallujah or face legal action” and also to “set aside space in your
news coverage to make the position of the Iraqi government, which
expresses the aspirations of most Iraqis, clear.”
The international NGO Reporters Without Borders, which advocates
freedom of the press, releases an annual worldwide press freedom index.
Countries are ranked on the basis of surveys designed to record any
kind of harassment of journalists and state violence against them that
forces them to flee or abandon their work. In 2002, under Saddam
Hussein and his draconian control of the media, Iraq ranked a dismal
130. In 2006, after three years of U.S. occupation, Iraq fell to 154.
The NGO has also declared Iraq to be among the world’s worst hostage
market, with 38 journalist kidnappings in three years.
Direct Manipulation
Currently there are two main channels for information on Iraq: the
Pentagon and the Iraqi stringers who work for Arab media outlets. For
audiences unfamiliar with Arabic or alternative news sources on Iraq,
the only available news comes from daily press releases by the U.S.
military that are parroted by the establishment media.
Another dubious source of information is the U.S.-sponsored Iraqi television station
al-Iraqiyah
that began broadcasting in May 2003. In January 2004, the U.S. Defense
Department awarded the Florida-based Harris Corporation a 12-month
contract to manage the Iraqi Media Network, including
al-Iraqiyah, and provided the physical infrastructure for the expansion of the network.
The U.S. military also hired the Washington-based public relations firm
Lincoln Group to manipulate Iraqi public opinion in favor of the United
States. The group’s covert program, worth millions of dollars, included
various media activities that faked independent journalism in order to
conceal the fact that it was U.S. state and military propaganda. Former
Lincoln Group employees claim that U.S. military officials were aware
of payments to Iraqi newspapers to print pro-U.S. articles and
editorials.
Such state control has a boomerang effect. False news generated for the
Iraqi public in local papers also comes to the United States as “news.”
This indirect state-meddling abroad, coupled with direct repression of
the media at home, is also reflected in the Reporters Without Borders
press freedom index. In 2002, the United States ranked 17th. In 2006,
after six years of Bush administration, the rank has fallen to 56th.
Covering the War at Home
Unlike in Iraq, the problem in the United States began before the 2003 invasion. In the prestigious
New York Times,
Judith Miller dutifully parroted the propaganda issued by the Bush
administration about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction during the
lead-up to the invasion. Quoting one anonymous source after another,
she became a highly effective vehicle of the Bush administration in
disseminating misinformation and lies about Saddam Hussein’s possession
of and attempt to acquire WMDs.
Later, during an interview with
PBS Frontline conducted on July 13, 2006, in the presence of her
lawyer, Miller brazenly defied criticism of her WMD coverage saying, “I
didn’t feel that I had anything to apologize for with my WMD coverage.”
Once the invasion was launched, anchorman Tom Brokaw of NBC Nightly
News announced to viewers nationwide, “One of the things that we don’t
want to do...is to destroy the infrastructure of Iraq because in a few
days we’re going to own that country.”
The Pentagon’s “embedded” program where mainstream media journalists
volunteer to act as propagandists requires a journalist to sign a
contract giving the military control over her or his output which
amounts to total censorship. Embedding continues to this day, as does
corporate ownership of the media. Together they ensure coverage of the
occupation that is biased in favor of the state as the media watchdog
group Fairness and Accuracy In Reporting (FAIR) has exposed.
Corporate ownership of the media has much to do with the transformation
of nationally televised news personalities into cheerleaders for war.
Take the example of the Associated Press. Its board of directors
includes the CEOs and presidents of ABC, McClatchy, Hearst, Tribune,
and the
Washington Post.
Two of the directors belong to extremely conservative policy councils
like the Hoover Institute, a Republican policy research center located
on the campus of Stanford University and referred to as “Bush’s brain
trust.” Douglas McCorkindale, another member of the AP board, is on the
board of Lockheed Martin, the world’s largest defense contract company.
The board of AP displays a clear tilt toward right-wing conservative
views, represented by a huge corporate media network of the largest
publishers in the U.S.
Today in the United States, our media is
more homogenized than ever. Only six corporations control the major
U.S. media: Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation, General Electric, Time
Warner, Disney, Viacom, and Bertelsmann. These corporations also happen
to be heavy financial supporters of the elite political groups
(Republicans and Democrats alike) that control this country. They put
politics ahead of responsible journalism.
“As news outlets fall into the hands of large conglomerates with
holdings in many industries, conflicts of interest inevitably interfere
with news gathering,” according to FAIR. “Independent media are
essential to a democratic society, and...aggressive antitrust action
must be taken to break up monopolistic media conglomerates.”
Until that happens in the United States, media coverage of Iraq is
likely to worsen. As for Iraqi journalists, promises of free speech and
freedom of the press--just like the earlier promises of liberation,
economic opportunity, and freedom for the Iraqi people--will not
materialize before the end of the U.S. occupation of the country.
Dahr
Jamail has reported from inside Iraq and is a Middle East expert. He
writes for Inter Press Service, The Asia Times, and is a contributor to
Foreign Policy