He touted the success of this
five-year, $15 billion initiative in his
2007 State of the Union speech
when he said that “the number of people receiving life-saving drugs has
grown from 50,000 to more than 800,000 in three short years.” Many are
unaware that these efforts were largely spurred by Bush’s “Christian
supporters [, who] seldom get the credit
they deserve for their role in the global fight against AIDS.” While
there has been discernable progress stemming from Bush’s policies,
there has also been serious criticism that moralistic provisions within
the policy have hampered aid organizations and have cost countless
lives.
The manner in which wealthy countries like the United States contribute
foreign aid has drawn disapproval from those saying that the amount is
too little and is “
primarily designed to serve
the strategic and economic interests of the donor countries or to
benefit powerful domestic interest groups.” To serve these interests,
there are often strings attached, such as those requiring governments
to “
open up to trade and foreign investors” and adhere to “
enhanced patent protections” that prevent access to affordable medications. According to Nii Akuetteh, the Executive Director of
Africa Action, “
there are conditions
that are attached where the emphasis is more on countries that open up
their markets so American companies can go in and privatize things like
water and electrical service or have access to certain resources.” Some
of the most damaging restrictions, though, are the ones reflecting
moral dogma, like the sex worker clause in the AIDS Leadership Act.
This clause, however, is not without precedent. Often,
a designated percentage of U.S. foreign
aid for HIV/AIDS prevention must be dedicated to abstinence programs,
even though many experts assert that there are more effective methods.
The politicizing of foreign aid in areas of health has its roots in the
Mexico City Policy initiated by Ronald Reagan in 1984; the policy
prohibited recipients of U.S. international family planning funds from
having anything to do with abortion,
including mentioning the procedure in counseling. This “global gag rule,” retracted by Clinton but
resurrected by Bush, is responsible for the closing of essential health clinics, including five in Kenya, some of which “
were the only affordable
reproductive health services in the area.” The AIDS Leadership Act
follows this example, with devastating effects and questionable
legality.
Many organizations have condemned the Act, resulting in two ongoing lawsuits brought by the
Alliance for Open Society International, Inc., and
DKT International, both of which have been heavily involved in preventing the spread of HIV/AIDS in Africa. Last year,
over 200 charities and organizations
signed a letter to Bush protesting the sex worker rule. Many of these
organizations, with support from the American Civil Liberties Union (
ACLU),
have attacked the Act for violating the First Amendment rights of U.S.
organizations. According to DKT International, the Act constrains the
organization’s “
speech in other programs for which it does not receive federal funds and…forces [it] to convey a message with which it does not necessarily agree” (
DKT International, Inc v. USAID
[2007]at 5). Though two federal courts ruled that the Act’s policy was
in violation of the First Amendment, the Court of Appeals of the
District of Columbia Circuit reversed the decision in the DKT
International case on February 27, 2007.
DKT
International, which receives roughly 16 percent of its budget from the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID), refused to
sign the pledge because it would result in “stigmatizing and alienating
many of the people most vulnerable to HIV/AIDS – the sex workers” (
DKT International
at 4). This concern was echoed by the 25 organizations that signed the
ACLU’s friend-of-the-court brief, including such varied voices as the
American Foundation for AIDS Research, American Jewish World Service,
Physicians for Human Rights, and Dr. Jim Young Kim, Chair of the
Harvard Medical School Department of Social Medicine. According to the
ACLU, “
Many organizations that work to prevent
the spread of HIV/AIDS often reach out to commercial sex workers to
distribute condoms and offer education on safer-sex measures.” This
point was emphasized by Chris Beyrer, the director and founder of the
Center for Public Health and Human Rights at the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Hygiene and Public Health, in a
Declaration to the court in
Alliance for Open Society International, Inc. v. USAID (
Judge’s decision ruling against USAID).
Beyrer cites USAID’s own research to support his claims: “Providing sex
workers with access to education, condoms, and other prevention tools
is very effective in curbing the spread of the disease within this
community and the general population (UNAIDS, 2001, 2004). It is
essential to involve members of the target high-risk community, such as
sex workers, in delivering the message of HIV/AIDS prevention (USAID,
2001).” It was USAID, in fact, that released valuable information on
the ways in which stigma and discrimination “push people in high-risk
groups (e.g. sex workers, injecting drug users) underground, making
them difficult to reach through prevention programs and thus creating
more opportunities for HIV/AIDS to spread to the general population.”
Though the political aspects of this debate are highly controversial,
there is a near consensus among health experts that the pledge in the
AIDS Leadership Act is misguided and harmful.
Most experts agree with Paul Zeitz of the
Global AIDS Alliance, who says that the most rapidly growing HIV/AIDS epidemics “
are happening among sex workers
in developing countries, yet the Bush administration policy would
create an even bigger crisis.” Organizations like DKT International do
most of their work in these vulnerable nations, such as Sudan and
Ethiopia, which have some of the highest rates of infection. According
to Beyrer, groups including the World Health Organization, UNAIDS, and
the World Bank have promoted working with commercial sex workers as an
effective strategy to fight the epidemic. Evidence of this
effectiveness is clear in nations like Brazil (which has refused to
accept $40 million in American aid because of the restrictions) and
Thailand; the latter having seen rates of infection in soldiers peak at
over 12 percent in 1991, and then fall to under one percent ten years
later, due to programs involving outreach to sex workers. Not only have
organizations seen success with these tactics, but sex workers have
formed their own coalitions to battle the virus. Women in the Indian
state of Maharashtra created the
organization SANGRAM, “
a collective of female sex workers
that grew to include thousands of members.” SANGRAM has worked
extensively against the spread of HIV, leading to a number of
international awards for their positive results. Despite these proven
strategies, no organization receiving funding from the AIDS Leadership
Act could effectively work with a group like SANGRAM.
The deleterious effects of attaching politically motivated strings to
foreign aid are evident. The sex worker pledge in the AIDS Leadership
Act could hurt states that were previously on upwards paths, such as
Uganda, one of the few African countries that was reducing infection
rates, but that has recently deteriorated, partly as a result of U.S.
policy. Stephen Lewis, the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy for
HIV/AIDS in Africa, says that American cuts in funding for condoms and
a focus on abstinence has contributed to a critical shortage of
condoms. According to Lewis, “
There is no doubt in my mind that
the condom crisis in Uganda is being driven by [US policies]. To impose
a dogma-driven policy that is fundamentally flawed is doing damage to
Africa."
The fact that this administration, despite
these harmful restrictions and the opting for political moralizing over
saving lives, has done more for victims of HIV/AIDS in Africa than any
previous administration is a testament to how poorly the United States,
and other wealthy nations, have done in addressing the problem. That
the AIDS Leadership Act rejects the advice of health experts in order
to appease those who morally object to prostitution, though, is
unconscionable, if not unconstitutional. For true progress to be made
against HIV/AIDS and other diseases that plague impoverished
populations in Africa and elsewhere, the United States and other
nations must cooperate with local coalitions and health experts, even
if it is at the expense of economic and political gain.
Aaron Sussman is a freelance journalist, activist, and co-founder/Executive Editor of InciteMagazine.org.
Sussman is also a radio show host, stand-up comedian, and will soon
begin working for a legal advocacy and civil liberties organization in
New York City. For more of Sussman’s work, visit ACrowdedFire.com.
He can be contacted at Aaron@InciteMagazine.org.