“The Press Complaints Commission has launched its third
investigation into Coughlin in as many months after a number of high
level complaints about his latest article on Iran. The investigation is
looking at an article by Coughlin on 24 January relying on an unnamed
‘European defence official’ alleging that North Korea is helping Iran
prepare a nuclear weapons test.” (‘MI6 Iran Disinfo: The Prelude to
War?’; http://www.indymedia.org/fr/2007/02/879774.shtml)
By contrast, a week earlier, The Los Angeles Times cited an
ironic comment from a British officer stationed in Iraq: "‘We do have
intelligence which suggests that weapons and ammunition are being
smuggled in from Iran,’ Maj. David Gell, a spokesman for British forces
in Basra, said last week. ‘We don't always manage to find any.’
“US military officials in Diyala have had the same experience. No
munitions or personnel have been seized at the border, officers said.”
(Alexandra Zavis and Greg Miller, ‘Scant evidence found of Iran-Iraq
arms link,’ Los Angeles Times, January 23, 2007)
Gareth Porter noted on truthout.org last week:
"The [US] administration suggested that there could be no other
explanation for the presence of Iranian-made weapons than official
government sponsorship of smuggling them into Iraq. But in doing so,
they had to ignore a well-known reality: most weapons, including
armor-piercing projectiles, can be purchased by anyone through
intermediaries in the Middle East." (
Porter, ‘US Briefing on Iran
Discredits the Official Line,’ )
Porter cited Michael Knights, chief of analysis for the Olive
Group, a private security consulting firm, who
presented evidence in Jane's Intelligence Review that Iraqi Shiites
have manufactured both the components for "explosively formed
penetrators" (EFPs) and the complete EFPs. Knights claims that the
equipment required to make EFPs "can easily be found in Iraqi
metalworking shops and garages", and that all EFPs exploded so far
could have been manufactured in one or at most two simple workshops
with one or two specialists in each - one in the Baghdad area and one
in southern Iraq. Knights comments of US-UK forces:
"I'm surprised that they haven't found evidence of making EFPs in Iraq. That doesn't ring true for me."
Indeed, since Porter’s article appeared, the New York Times included this comment at the end of a February 20 news report:
“An Iraqi unit, aided by American advisers, caught militants in
the act of constructing devices known as explosively formed projectiles
in a house in Hilla, south of Baghdad, on Saturday, according to the
American military.” (Marc Santora, ‘Iraqi Militants Launch Attack on
U.S. Outpost,’ New York Times, February 20, 2007)
Knights believes there was a time when whole EFPs were imported from
outside, but that now most, if not all, are manufactured by Iraqis.
Certainly the idea that only Iran possesses the necessary
lathes and operators trained in the manufacture of EFPs is outlandish.
Writer Milan Rai observes that no evidence has been produced that Iraq
lacks the means to produce EFPs - there is no shortage of metal tubes
or explosives. An independent assessment of Improvised Explosive
Devices (IEDs) in Iraq, obtained by Defense News in 2006 and based on
British military intelligence, said:
“Based on current usage, there are enough stocks of illegal explosives
to continue the same level of attack for 274 years without re-supply.”
(
Milan Rai, ‘IED lies,’ February 12, 2007; )
Writing in the Independent, Patrick Cockburn notes the irony:
“The US stance on the military capabilities of Iraqis today is
the exact opposite of its position four years ago. Then, President Bush
and Tony Blair claimed that Iraqis were technically advanced enough to
produce long-range missiles and to be close to producing a nuclear
device. Washington is now saying that Iraqis are too backward to
produce an effective roadside bomb and must seek Iranian help.”
(Cockburn, ‘Washington accuses Tehran, and sets stage for a new
confrontation,’ The Independent, February 12, 2007)
Anthony Cordesman, a US military analyst at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington DC, observes that
Iraq's insurgents are probably just tapping a pool of common
bomb-making technology, none of which requires special expertise:
“There's no evidence that these are supplied by Iran. A lot of this is
just technology that is leaked into an informal network. What works in
one country gets known elsewhere.” (Ibid)
Even US Marine General Peter Pace, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, notes that while some of the material used in explosive devices
had been made in Iran that “does not translate that the Iranian
government per se, for sure, is directly involved in doing this".
(Morning Star, ‘US officer doubts Iran arms claim,’ February 14, 2007)
To their credit, some journalists have failed to toe the
propaganda line. On January 23, the Los Angeles Times reported that,
despite the aggressive rhetoric, the Bush administration "has provided
scant evidence to support these claims. Nor have reporters traveling
with US troops seen extensive signs of Iranian involvement". (Alexandra
Zavis and Greg Miller, ‘Scant evidence found of Iran-Iraq arms link,’
Los Angeles Times, January 23, 2007)
The LA Times cited senator John Rockefeller, head of the US
Senate Intelligence Committee, who said: "To be quite honest, I'm a
little concerned that it's Iraq again," referring to the false claims
made on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction ahead of the March 2003
invasion. (Ibid)
The Independent's Patrick Cockburn has also voiced his scepticism:
“The allegations against Iran are similar in tone and
credibility to those made four years ago by the US government about
Iraq possessing weapons of mass destruction in order to justify the
invasion of 2003...” (Cockburn, op. cit)
Hard Evidence = Responsible Journalism (Sometimes!)
On February 11, the BBC’s flagship News At Ten led with the
claims made by anonymous US officials in Baghdad that the Iranian
government has supplied advanced roadside bombs in Iraq, killing more
than 170 US troops since June 2004.
BBC correspondent Andrew North's headlining boost for these
unsubstantiated claims concluded with the briefest of disclaimers: "But
given the past history of intelligence dossiers on Iraq, it may take an
uphill struggle convincing people that tougher action should follow
this one."
That constituted nine seconds out of a report lasting nearly three minutes.
On February 12, we emailed Helen Boaden, director of BBC news, asking
what had become of her earlier firm insistence that the BBC would
report controversial claims as news only on the basis of "hard
evidence". We asked:
“Why does your approach now differ so markedly from that
adopted previously [in 2005] when the BBC failed to report the mounting
evidence of white phosphorus weapons, cluster bombs, modified napalm
and depleted uranium munitions in Falluja and elsewhere in Iraq?”
Two years ago, the BBC repeatedly rejected numerous credible
reports from Iraqi doctors, refugees, humanitarian NGOs and other
sources. Boaden responded at the time:
"BBC News will continue to do what we can to find independent
verification of these claims. However, it would not be responsible
journalism for the BBC to report such claims without having found hard
evidence that they are correct." ('
Did BBC ignore weapons claim,' BBC
NewsWatch, April 14, 2005; )
And yet "hard evidence" is apparently not required when the BBC reports
claims made by shadowy US officials, "speaking off camera on condition
of anonymity". It is enough that they are official spokespeople.
We asked Boaden:
“What documented, publically available editorial BBC guidelines
exist for deciding whether to repeat controversial claims; and, just as
significant, how to report them in a balanced, fair and responsible
manner?
“Why have your reports been so credulous and unbalanced? Why
did you only show the briefest of interviews with the Iranian
ambassador in Baghdad, rejecting the US claims? Where are the sceptical
commentators, such as western intelligence and military experts, who
have also previously rejected such claims? (Alexandra Zavis and Greg
Miller, 'Scant evidence found of Iran-Iraq arms link', Los Angeles
Times, January 23, 2007)”
We concluded our email to Boaden:
“What lessons has the BBC learned from its reporting on Iraq
back then? On the evidence of recent BBC reports on these anonymous,
warmongering US claims about Iran, very few indeed.” (Email to Helen
Boaden, February 12, 2007)
By Way Of Balance - US Bombs In Iran?
Meanwhile, Iran has presented evidence of US involvement in a
February 14 bomb blast against Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
(IRGC) in Zahedan, southeastern Iran, which claimed 13 lives. Agence
France Press reported on February 17:
“Local officials said the unrest bore suspicious hallmarks of
involvement by the United States and Britain, reiterating previous
allegations of Western trouble-making in the southeastern
Sistuan-Baluchestan province... State television showed footage of a
substantial arms cache of bullets, explosives and machine guns seized
at a militant hideout. One image showed a packet of 20 bullets with the
inscription ‘Made in the USA‘.”
"‘It is interesting that the weapons are made by the United
States and the United Kingdom,’ said the director of the province's
political affairs office Soltan Ali Mir, according to the Mehr agency.
"‘The terrorists (detained) revealed some meetings in some
neighbouring countries for their financial support. They indicate that
the United States and the United Kingdom were involved in the recent
incidents‘." (Stuart Williams, ‘Iran chases militants behind new bomb
blast,’ Agence France Presse, February 17, 2007)
Stratfor, a research institute formed of former US security
officials, claims that “this latest attack against IRGC guards was
likely carried out by armed Baloch nationalists who have received a
boost in support from Western intelligence agencies”. (‘
Iran: Bombing
in Zahedan,’ Stratfor, February 14, 2007; )
Stratfor added: