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Sat 04 Jul 2009 |
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The Coup in Iran must not stand |
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Written by Jalal Alavi
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Saturday, 04 July 2009 06:29 |
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by Jalal Alavi
 Much of what has transpired over the past couple of weeks in Iran was anticipated in my commentary published about a month in advance of the June 12 presidential election [1], which goes to show how predictable the Islamic Republic can be to those who are familiar with factional politics in Iran.
Accordingly, a chronology of major conspiratorial events in the history of the Islamic Republic and a review of some of the possible reasons behind the electoral coup that prevented reformist candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi from being declared the winner of the June 12 presidential election may prove useful to those who have been following the events.
While a coup is seldom a feature of factional politics in most Middle Eastern countries, the conspiracy against Mousavi is only the latest in a series of plots historically directed against reformist elements in Iran.
Thus, it may be said that the hardliners’ consolidation of power in Iran began with the plot against the provisional government of Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan, which led to his resignation in late 1979.
The next plot or rather coup was directed against the Islamic Republic’s first popularly elected president, Abolhassan Banisadr, which led to his tumultuous impeachment in 1981 and the execution of some of his close associates soon after.
The third of these plots brought about former President Mohammad Khatami’s failure to deliver on his promises of reform and rapprochement with the West, as well as the brutal silencing of some of Iran’s most fervent advocates of freedom and democracy [2].
Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s failure to secure a third, though not consecutive, term in office in 2005 was the result of a fourth plot within the fragmented structure of the Islamic Republic [3], as a result of which hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad first became president.
Of course, one must also add to the above the Guardian Council’s post-Khomeini vetting of presidential and parliamentary candidates as a way of further consolidating hardliner power in Iran.
Clearly, then, this latest plot against a moderate or reformist element in Iran cannot be considered as anything new, though the extent to which the hardliners have been willing to use deceit and force this time to secure their continuous hold on power is truly surprising.
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